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Recently, a spate of news coverage has<\/a> raised concerns about grade inflation<\/a> in schools across Canada<\/a>.<\/p>\n These concerns stem in part from policies stemming from the COVID-19 pandemic, when there was widespread cancellation<\/a> of large-scale tests, freezing of grades<\/a> during school closures and \u201ccompassionate\u201d grading practices<\/a> that accounted for students\u2019 personal situations.<\/p>\n Together, these changes led to a spike<\/a> in average student grades and spurred ongoing worries about grade inflation.<\/p>\n But these concerns aren\u2019t new. Grades have been steadily rising in the United States<\/a> and Canada<\/a> for decades. Harvard University\u2019s grade point average, for example, has risen<\/a> almost every year since the 1950s. So just how serious is post-pandemic grade inflation?<\/p>\n Grade inflation refers to the tendency for students to receive higher grades over time, on average.<\/p>\n Put simply, work that might have been awarded an 85 per cent in 1990 might now receive 90 per cent. The implicit assumption is that this rise in grades is unearned<\/a> and that student performance has not actually improved.<\/p>\n If grades lose their signalling power \u2014 that is, if students, families, universities and employers cannot trust grades or no longer know what they mean \u2014 then selection, promotion and other important decisions get undermined.<\/p>\n Most studies about grade inflation find that students\u2019 average grades have increased steadily over time<\/a>. Grade increases during the pandemic are also well-documented.<\/p>\n For example, between 2019 and 2021, average grades for Grade 12 students in the Toronto District School Board increased six per cent<\/a>. Between 2016 and 2021, the percentage of A-level students taking the ACT, a standardized test for U.S. college admissions, rose more than 13 per cent<\/a>.<\/p>\n Our search for published studies that document grade inflation in Canada since the pandemic did not yield any findings: there has been no concrete data from Canadian elementary or secondary schools on grades being inflated since 2021.<\/p>\n Current conversations about grade inflation often zero in on the role of grades in college and university admissions because most post-secondary programs use students\u2019 grades in the admissions process<\/a>.<\/p>\n As a CBC investigation of data from the Council of Ontario Universities has shown, entry averages<\/a> for Grade 12 students have been rising for some time. Data from the council show that across 16 universities, the median entry grade rose from 81.4 per cent in 2006 to 88.2 per cent in 2021<\/a>.<\/p>\n The Winnipeg Free Press<\/em> reports that at the University of Manitoba, 40 per cent of high school students admitted in 2024 had a grade of at least 95 per cent<\/a>.<\/p>\n But a rising admissions average is different than grade inflation in elementary and secondary school. Increases in university admission averages are a function of multiple factors, most directly supply and demand.<\/p>\n Let\u2019s take the Ontario data as an example. Between 2005 and 2022, the number of applications to Ontario\u2019s universities rose 86.5 per cent. That\u2019s 344,000 more applications. At the same time, the number of students who went on to register also rose, but only by 31.2 per cent.<\/p>\n That means that even if average grades had stayed the same, students with lower grades were increasingly less likely to get admitted because they are competing with more applicants. Demand is outpacing supply.<\/p>\n The current supply and demand issue has real consequences on students\u2019 pressure to get higher grades in secondary school. Sixty-one per cent of American teenagers say they feel pressured to get good grades<\/a>. That focus on grades increases student anxiety and makes students more likely to avoid difficult courses<\/a>.<\/p>\n Teachers<\/a> and university instructors<\/a> also report pressure to give good grades, especially when grades and graduation rates are used to evaluate performance.<\/p>\n These pressures are longstanding<\/a> \u2014 there has always been pressure on students to perform and on teachers to award high grades \u2014 but the increased competition for seats in post-secondary provides additional fodder for grade inflation.<\/p>\n Providing additional provincial funding to increase spaces<\/a> at universities and colleges could help address these pressures.<\/p>\n There are multiple reasons grades increase. First, in almost every province, the share of people graduating high school has been increasing for years<\/a>.<\/p>\n More high school graduates means more passing grades, which typically results in higher average grades.<\/p>\n And we want students to learn and achieve. On average, secondary school graduates live longer<\/a>, earn more money<\/a> and are less likely to be incarcerated<\/a>.<\/p>\n Second, teachers\u2019 use of evidence-based teaching and assessment strategies is supporting better learning. Shifts in school assessment policies over the past 20 years help students better understand what the learning goals are and what success looks like. These also encourage feedback to close the gap between where students are and their learning goal.<\/p>\n Assessment policies have also separated assessing learning skills and habits from assessing curriculum content knowledge.<\/p>\n Manitoba\u2019s assessment policy<\/a>, for example, tells teachers to base grades on students\u2019 actual achievement, not on things like effort, participation or attitude.<\/p>\n Such policies acknowledge that docked marks or zeroes are sometimes needed for late or missing work, but caution that such practices may misrepresent student achievement. If grades and behaviour aren\u2019t reported separately, it becomes difficult to know what a \u201cB-\u201d grade represents, for example. It may mean proficient achievement, or it may mean \u201cC-level work with A-level effort,\u201d \u201cA-level work that\u2019s late\u201d or something else.<\/p>\n Schools have also made evidence-based teaching advances, such as using differentiated instructional strategies<\/a> and culturally responsive teaching<\/a>. One expected result from these changes should be higher grades.<\/p>\n The purpose of grades is to communicate student achievement<\/a>. While that purpose is less important than the main purpose of assessment \u2014 to improve student learning<\/a> \u2014 students, parents and other stakeholders still depend on grades to make decisions.<\/p>\n Importantly, and contrary to many people\u2019s understanding, teachers don\u2019t grade on a bell curve<\/a>. There is no limit to the number of As and the quality of learning it represents<\/a>. In fact, having more students achieving higher grades is good, if the grades are warranted and accurately reflect what students know and are able to do.<\/p>\n Even though the pandemic created a spike in grades, the lack of research since means we do not accurately know the current state of grade inflation or how grades may be assigned differently across different groups of students (for example, across family income, race or gender).<\/p>\n While grades are increasing, they continue to hold their signalling power. Grades can still be trusted alongside other measures to make important decisions.<\/p>\n Even when grades rise, we shouldn\u2019t assume that every rise is unearned or indefensible. The full picture is messier than that.<\/p>\nWhat is grade inflation?<\/strong><\/h4>\n
The facts behind grade inflation<\/strong><\/h4>\n
Post-secondary supply and demand<\/strong><\/h4>\n
Avoiding difficult courses<\/strong><\/h4>\n
Why have grades increased?<\/strong><\/h4>\n
Shifts in assessment policies, teaching<\/strong><\/h4>\n
Is an A still an A?<\/strong><\/h4>\n
Should we be concerned?<\/strong><\/h4>\n